The Life of a Batangas Fisherman by Jose P. Caedo, 1915

This page has been transcribed from an ethnographic paper written by one Jose P. Caedo in 1915. The page is archived at the digital library of the National Library of the Philippines. This transcription is made to make it easier for researchers to find the paper using search engines.

[The original file at the National Library of the Philippines’ digital library is extremely blurred and/or faded in parts and almost impossible to read using human eyes. This transcription, therefore, was made with the assistance of AI technology. There may be some errors in the transcription.]

[Cover page]

Tagalog Paper No. 225.

THE LIFE OF A BATANGAS FISHERMAN
by
Jose P. Caedo

----
Classification:

----

Manila
October 1915

[p. 1]

I. Introductory Remarks.

Going as far back in the history of man as that lower in the journey of the Stone Age, when he was eke out a precarious existence by the slaughter of any living thing which he could reach with the rude weapons at his command we find that fishing had already reached a considerable development, a development that clearly indicates that it had been in practice long before. Then, of course, no such elaborate methods as are now in use were even dreamed of. Perhaps man caught his day’s fish by crude stone harpoons, and most probably, in the very beginning of the history of fishing, with his unaided hands. Tracing his course of development down to the present time we constantly come across with fish as a source of his subsistence. As he developed in intellect and culture so did his manners of obtaining food. And with the development of civilization came the separation of fishing as a distinct industry, a direct product of the “division of labor”. Thus we find men whose sole business it is to catch fish in great quantity. And we are now here concerned with that group of humble sea dwellers from the shores of Batangas town who devote their lives to supplying other people’s need for fish.

The Batangas fisherman’s life is as interesting as his work is complicated, his social standing is low as his use-

[p. 2]

II. Division of the Subject.

Such a broad subject as this needs proper limitations hence elimination of some details and things that have but faint and distant relation with what we are now discussing, and the inclusion of materials rather not at all related with our subject, but taken up to strengthen and consolidate our statements and arguments. I think it is better for us to give a brief outline of our present discussion so that we may at once see how far we shall go and how much we shall do.

The first thing that we shall consider is the fisherman as a worker, with his apparatus, instruments, implements and devices and his different procedures and methods of catching fish; and then his culture and philosophy of life. There are of course some minor subdivisions which can easily be detected in the course of discussion.

III. Batangas Town (Location).

The town itself is about one kilometer from the bay of the same name and on the western banks of the Calumpang River. It includes the barrios of Pinamukan, Wawa, Sta. Clara, and Sta. Rita, which occupy a coast line of about five kilometers. The position of the town at least is most favorable to commercial fishing.

Fish caught are brought to the market of Batangas where middlemen from inland towns as Ibaan, San Jose, Lipa and Rosario buy them in wholesale to take to their respective towns where they can sell them with at least forty per cent profit.

[p. 3]

So there is a constant demand for fish and an industrious fisherman can make a pretty good decent living.

IV. Divisions of Fishing.

Fishing can be very properly divided into two main divisions, namely, fresh-water and salt-water fishing. But because most of the methods used in the first are also used in the second and because fresh-water fishing yields an insignificant amount of fish when compared with the catch in the sea, we may just as well confine ourselves to the latter, mentioning differences when they occur. In passing, however, we may mention the fact that the main difference lies in the kind of fish and some methods of catching. Most of the fresh-water fishermen catch fish for their own use and very seldom put them for sale. If their catch is much more than what they actually need, they barter it with some other commodity; and they do fish when they are out of their regular jobs or at night when they are thru with their day’s work. As we shall see sea-fishing needs more money and time and the produce is much more than what the fishermen can eat for weeks so that they make it their lives’ work to run after fish and using up their energy and time in constant pursuit of the peaceful inhabitants of the deep.

V. Salt-water Fishing.

1. Units.

The smallest unit in any working mass is the individual. But when it comes to fishing his efforts alone can not be well depended upon for large profits. Combination thus is assured

[p. 4]

And “union makes strength”. The most common form of combination and is by “cabecilla” system; that is a cabecilla, literally “head” or a capitalist as its acquired meaning implies, loans money to some men who are thus bound to work for him until the debt is all paid or as long as they please the cabecilla. A cabecilla may have as many as thirty to forty men in his group, and this group forms a working fishing unit in Batangas. All the proceeds from a catch shall be divided among the men after the deduction of some “royalty” for the cabecilla.

2. “Kawil” (Angle).

This method of catching fish is practiced both in fresh and salt water. Probably it had its origin from times immemorial.

The Batangas fishermen of the common class uses different kinds of steel hooks which he attaches to a bamboo rod with a black-dyed cotton string. With such an equipment costing not more than two centavos a man from Sta. Clara can well compete with a man from the town with his line and bait “ordered from the States”. It is interesting to say that angling has developed as much as to distinguish the catch by the bait. For almost all kinds of fish capturable by bait the fisherman has a designated bait. Thus for example “dulis” bait for “tulingan” “mansanai” for “tambacol” and “tulingan” for “tanigui”. Let it here be understood however that when you put that certain kind of bait you will not always get that certain kind of fish. For all general purposes small shrimps are used as bait.

Angling is sometimes a tedious waiting for nothing and

[p. 5]

Such a sad state of affairs led people to device something that is under the same principle but does not require the constant vigilance of a man. Thus what is known as “sagar” was invented. “Sagar” is only a dyed cotton string sometimes as long as six hundred feet long to which are attached many baited hooks at certain distance apart. The “sagar” is attached to a post at one end while the other end is loose and floated on the water by a piece of light wood or bamboo. This is visited by the owner at certain interval of time and where a catch is found bait is replaced. With such a device the work of a hundred anglers is done by one man with much less displeasure.

Unless there is extraordinary large catch the fish is eaten up by the family for “sagar” catching is no longer under the jurisdiction of the Cabecilla. What come under him are “Baclad,” “bantil”, and “pucot” which shall be described presently.

3. “Baclad”

This is a very big trap whose entire structure is of bamboo and rattan. In spite of this cheap components a baclad costs as much as one hundred eighty pesos.

Drawing.

[p. 6]

The site of baclad is the “bantaran” which is a bamboo fence of the size of a lead to small that is at about two feet their diameter apart. These bamboo rods are sometimes twelve feet long, twelve feet long so that the bantaman will have the following measurement — 12’ x 20’.

In the diagram above (B) is composed of seven coarse bantan supported by bamboo poles, A by six fine bantan also supported by poles while the last is of four bantaans. How this baclad is placed or erected out in the water so that a fish swimming in the direction of the small arrows will strike the wing but can not go thru it because of the bantaan. So its course will be deflected into the direction of the big arrow for it cannot pass towards B for the water there is very shallow. If it continues to swim in that direction, that is as indicated by the large arrow, it will reach the trap and enter the “duyo” or innermost place C where sometimes there is some kind of bait. Once the fish is in C if it is at all of considerable size, it can not come out again and will be at the mercy of the “bantay” or guard of the baclad when the time of the “visita” comes.

Of course, the baclad is a permanent structure and lasts for years. Is it under the continuous vigilance of a man who is either paid by the owner, who is almost always a cabecilla, or gets a certain percentage of the catch. It is not an unusual occurrence to find nothing in the “duyo” in the morning for there are fish-thieves as there are some other kinds of people who live on the product of some others’ labor.

[p. 7]

4. “Pucot.”

As only one man is needed to run the baclad one may be surprised to know that that in a fully equipped “pucotan” no less than twenty men are needed at one time. The men are thus divided;

a. in one small banca each and acting as scouts and aid in putting down the net.

2. divers. These are the men who dive into the water to see if the fish can get under the net or not or whether there is anything the matter with the net itself.

3. Tayonag or timonero. He is the one who guides the boat and is the “whole boss.”

14. Rowers and hands in the process of catching.

The fishing boat called the “pucotan” varies in size and so also in price. The value of one pucotan varies from fifty to two hundred pesos. This kind of boat is exclusively used in fishing and rarely in excursions and picnics of some of the “higher-ups” of the town to some parts of the shore.

Besides the boat another important thing is the net or “Pucot”. It is a simple net just like the tanzis-net that we commonly see; but it is many hundreds feet long and about fifteen feet wide. At one side “cabristo” (or pieces of lead) are attached to make that side sink in the water. On the other side the “gamis” (or pieces of soft wood) are attached to float that side. Now in the net itself there must be a sack like part called the “lawayan” where the school of fish is finally driven into and caught.

[p. 8]

The nets are made of twisted cotton strings. Before using them, however, they are first dyed red with “campol” or that dye from the bark of the camachele tree. There are four kinds of pucot the division being based upon the size of the eyes of the net. The names applied to them are the names of the fish for which they are especially used.

1. Pangiralla which costs — P600.00 each. See page 11 for names of fish.
2. Panambacol ” ” P400.00 ”
3. Panulingan ” ” P300.00 ”
4. Sayuods ” ” P200.00 ” (not name of fish).

Each net has its own hut of nipa and bamboo for itself, and is always kept there when not in use. I have known nets having all sorts of names attached to them simply because of some extraordinary occurrence that happened when they were being used. I can still remember one named “Lintik” because when the fishermen were using it they were overtaken by a violent thunderstorm in the middle of the bay and so missed the school of fish that they were after. There was also one called “Calingin” or “lucky” because they could always catch much with it.

The pucot is always used in deep waters for there is danger of destroying the whole net in shallow waters where rocks and oyster beds are very frequently encountered. So for special purposes in shallow waters we have the “bantil” or a miniature pucot. It costs much less and requires the attention of only two or three men.

5. Linus.

“Linus” when applied to a drinking water well means general

[p. 9]

Cleaning of the well. The water is all taken out by means of continuous dipping of buckets and all the garbage and foreign materials that happened to be accidentally deposited in the well are taken out. Now when a small stream is temporarily “wiped out” we also apply the term “limas.” This is of course in fresh water fishing only. As soon as the stream is almost dried out you could see big shrimps, dalag, etc. jumping here and there. You literally could pick up fish. Only big ones are caught for the small ones are reserved for the next “limas.” Whenever I go to our hacienda where there are many small streams, I always have some “limas” with our men.

This method of fishing can only be done when you own both banks of the stream else there will be trouble in dividing the catch. I remember a certain case where two men quarreled because each wanted to have the sole privilege of fishing in a certain stream. Probably if all the living things in the stream were taken together and sold, they would not amount to one hundred pesos, and yet these two men went to the extreme of going to the courts and spent hundreds of pesos for the lawyers probably on account of “amor proprio.”

6. Other methods.

There are some other methods of catching fish which we may group together not because they are at all related to each other but simply because they are all insignificant and mere mention of them would suffice for our present work.

Even if using dynamite and poison are prohibited by law

[p. 10]

and in spite of the detective and police forces, there are some whose business it is to catch fish by this method. I once saw a small stream where dalags were floating dead. I at once looked around and found some “tuba” seed also floating; this could only mean that the fish were poisoned. This is a very destructive method for even very young fish which are practically valueless as food are killed.

Some industrious men who want to save the expenses for fish make all sorts of traps such as the “bobo” and “hayog.” And some semi–professional fisherman use the “sima.” Sima is a trapezoidal net of the shape indicated by the diagram. It is attached to two bamboo poles A and B. The man swims with the points of the poles as on the bottom of the water and at certain intervals he raises the sima up and fish of all sorts are collected in the sack like part C.

An interesting method is by the “Palaisdaan.” This is a source of constant supply of fish and is the only method used by the people of Malabon, Rizal. Wide rectangular ditches are dug in the ground usually near the sea so that there will be water all the time. Here young fish are thrown and fed till they are big enough for the market.

Because it costs some to build a palaisdaan there are very few of them in Batangas and the owners resort to them in time of scarcity of fish and especially in time of Lent when most people are so religious — would not eat any flesh

[p. 11]

in any form during those sacred days.

V. General Remarks.

After a brief survey of the methods of catching fish we may very well mention some economic facts.

The price of fish like that of other commodities varies with quality and supply and demand. As has been mentioned elsewhere there are middlemen and fish traders from different inland towns that come to Batangas to buy fish. Now these men would offer different prices for one kind of fish so that in a one definite day the sale goes to the highest bidders, and in the extreme the price of one kind of fish may fluctuate two or three times. With this state of affairs there is no certainty as to the proceeds of the catch. The catch may be scanty but the proceeds is great or small according to the demand; the reverse is also true.

But in spite of all these conditions fishing which is still in its infancy as far as Batangas is concerned seems to be a very profitable industry and worth the study of business men.

The following is a list of a number of fish caught in Batangas.

1. Tambacol.
2. Tulingan Pula.
3. Tulingan Puti.
4. Tanigui.
5. Moslo.
6. Asogon.
7. Maluan.
8. Palibso.
9. Manitis.
10. Salmin–salmin.
11. Sapiro.
12. Mirella.
13. Pulang Buntot.

[p. 12]

14. Sapsap.
15. Pingol–pingol.
16. Dolong.
17. Dulis.
18. Mananei.
19. Laguidlid.
20. Lacoco.
21. Managat.
22. Tambog.
23. Tundos.
24. Hasahasa.
25. Banac.
26. Mayamaya.
27. Culapo.
28. Lapu–Lapu.
29. Lugso.
30. Ganopin.
31. Quitan.
32. [text unreadable]
33. [text unreadable]
34. [text unreadable]
35. [text unreadable]

There are others but are either so rare or so insignificant that they are not worth mentioning. We may mention, however, the exportation of young bangus to Manila. They are caught along the shore at about one–o’clock, by means of “biray” made of sinamay in the form of a big sieve. Then they are counted and put in large earthen pots called “kaing–an,” especially manufactured by the people of Balibon a district of Batangas. The profit here is great but if proper care is not taken during the transfer of the fish they may all die and the loss irreparable, However, experts along this line are becoming common and the day will come when this branch of fishing will come to perfection.

It is interesting to note that once when I was in vacation, I happened to be out with the fishermen in the “pucot–tan” and we were after a school of mullet. After half an

[p. 13]

hour of hard rowing we finally overtook it and the net was put down. How beautiful is the mechanism of the organization of the crews. Everybody was busy with his own duty. I was the only one idle for I did nothing but watch. When the fish were still in the water I thought they were very few and not worth the trouble of so many men; but when they were finally entrapped in the “lawayan” and put into the banca I counted I was surely amazed. Just think of about two thousand “tulisan” that were finally sold at twenty–five centavos a piece! And all in a couple of hours’ work!

If it happens that they cannot sell what they catch, they salt and preserve the fish in big Chinese jars commonly called “tapayan.”

VI. Social Culture.

1. Daily Work and Pastime.

When he is not out in the sea the fisherman’s work depends mainly upon circumstances, for he has to put some time in repairing and arranging the pucot every morning if such attention is needed. And sometimes the cabisilla asks him to pound some rice, to buy something for him in the town and what not. When he gets through with this “required work” he goes out angling or digging clams or weaving some baskets or do something that will give him beneficial returns. But this is only in the case of an industrious fisherman. The indolent type can almost always be seen around the tiendas that the women of the community run, talking with his co–typer on varied topics of the day. It is entertaining to hear their

[p. 14]

conversation about the independence of the Philippines, about the new ordinance of the Municipal Council, about the big catch of “tertesol,” etc. This type is the one that is never able to pay his debt and passes it to his sons. Such element is detrimental both to the industry and the community, yet it cannot but be tolerated at present.

Then women come some manufacture table salt. They pulverize some salty clay which is always available in its. [unreadable] They deposit this powdered clay in a big mound so arranged that if water is poured on the top it can be collected after it has gone through the clay and evaporated on a broad pavement (pilapil) about thirty square meters. Brine so made is added every other day so that at the end of two weeks there is a layer of salt crystals about an inch deep.

Cock–pit, gambling, and Wine–going perhaps summarize the amusement of the Indolent.

2. Social Standing and Philosophy.

As has already been stated the fisherman is socially low. He is not at all stupid but the society in which he is, is just the kind that you observe in the remotest nook of the province. In spite of his nearness to the town itself he seems to abhor the modern ideas of society — and thanks to our modern school system most of the children are literate. He seldom goes to the town and when he at all goes he visits the market, and nothing more. Because his field of action is limited his development is slow. It is my opinion that if he were isolated from the radiant influence of the town society

[p. 15]

he could not progress much. His conservatism makes him non–progressive.

In him we can still see the effect of the teachings of the Spanish friars. The fisherman’s world is what those “teachers” made it. It is a sphere of trials and privations where the destiny of everybody is settled before he is born, and that where everything that happens is attributed to the will of God. He is poor because he is destined to be devoid of the privileges of the rich; he dies young because it is so willed by God. This is also true among the uneducated class of the province. Like them also he has his “muno,” “duende,” “asire.” He idolizes his saints and believes that they are demigods and that the priests are “Christ on earth”.

Marriage is to him sacred and indefatigable. Once he promises to share the ebb and tide of life with the one that he loves, he has to stick to that pledge through thick and thin and even if their nature are diametrically opposite and under whatever circumstances. He respects his wife who fears him. His respect for his parents amounts to reverence and his love for his children is [unreadable].

He loves the wonderful tales of the deep and sings the beauty of the deep blue sea that gives him his daily bread. His imagination oscillates around the miner under the water and the riches buried in the “fathomless ocean”. The tone of his soul is distinct and individually Filipino and his “awit” is always tinged with that melancholy and dissatisfaction characteristic to an oppressed people.

[p. 16]

VII. Conclusion.

Let us hope that the fisherman keeps pace with the rapid progress of the country both in the intellect and morals. His place is always the neighborhood of waters, his motions must always tend to the capture of fish, but his ideals must be the enhancement of public enlightenment. So let the “Torch of Knowledge” shine on him that his mind may reflect a part of its light with accelerated velocity and multiplied intensity.

-----